Ibsa ejjannoo Waloo Sababa dhibee daddarbaa COVID-19 tiin,

Bitootessa 26, 2012
Ibsa ejjannoo Waloo

Sababa dhibee daddarbaa COVID-19 tiin, jeequmsa heeraa mootummaa filannoo waliigalaa Itoophiyaa bara 2012 mudate ce’uuf kallattii furmaataa gargaaran.

Boordiin Filannoo Itoophiyaa, sababa dhibee daddarbaa Koronaa Vaayrasiitiin fiannoo waliigalaa 2012, gabatee yeroo qabameefitti gaggeessuu akka hin dandeenye ibsuun ni yaadatama. Murtee kanas Manni Maree Bakka Bu’oota Ummataa raggaasiseera. Bu’uura heera biyyattiitiin, barri hojii mootummaa waggaa shan (5) qofa waan ta’eef mootummaan amma jiru Fulbaana 30, 2013 booda seerummaan isaa ni dhumata. Mootummaanis, kana ilaalcha keessa galchuudhaan, filannoon osoo hin gaggeeffamin dura barri hojii mootummaa dhumachuun uraa uumu guutuuf ni dandeessisu filannoolee jedhuun afur dhiyeesseera. Nuti dhaabbileen siyaasaa maqaan keenya garjallaa ibsa kanaatti tarreeffame, gaaga’ama (jeequmsa) heera mootummaa uumamee fi yaada furmaataa dhiyaatan gamaaggamnee ejjennoo itti aanu qabannee jirra.

1. Heerri mootummaa, taayitaa, bu’uura heeraa mootummaa qofaan qabachuun akkaa danda’amu; filannoon waggaa shan shaniin gaggeeffamuu akka qabu; barri hojii mootummaa waggaa shan tahuu karaa hin mamsiisneen teechisee jira. Boordiin Filannoo akka beeksisetti, mootummaan amma hojiirra jiru barri hojii isaa dhumatuun duratti filannoo gaggeessuun hin danda’amu jedhee waan ibseef, Fulbaana 30 booda biyya bulchuu kan dandeessisu bu’uurri seeraa jiraachuu hin danda’u.

2. Gama keenyan, jeequmsa heera mootummaa numudate kana hiikudhaaf yaada furmaataa mootummaadhaan dhiyaatan haalaan gamaaggamneerra. Filannoon yeroo heera mootummaatiin daangeffame keessatti gaggeeffamuu dadhabuufi darbuun wal-qabatee filannoowwan dhiyaatan keessaa tokkollee bara hojii mootummaa dheeressuuf falmii heerawaa dhiyeessuu akka hin dandeenyes hubannee jirra. Labsii yeroo muddamaa labsuudhaan filannoo dabarsuus ta’ee bara hojii mootummaa dheeressuu heerri mootummaa hin eyyamu. Karaa biraatiin, Muummichi Ministeeraa, bu’uura keewwata heera mootummaa 60tiin Paarlaamaa bittinneessuu kan danda’an daangaa yeroo filannoo waggaa shanii asitti dursanii yookin gabaabsanii gaggeessuuf malee filannoo idilee dheeressuu miti. Heera mootummaa fooyyessuudhaan bara taayitaa mootummaa dheeressuunis bu’uura heeraa kan hin qabne ta’uurra darbee, yeroo filannoo idilee dheeressuuf adeemsi fooyya’iinsa seeraa godhamuu hojii wal xaxaa kan gaafatu, wal-dhabdee kan uumufi adeemsa marii ummataa bal’aa kan gaafatuudha. Kana gochuunimmoo sababa koronaa amma jiruutiin goonkumaa hin danda’amu. Dabalataanis, kana dura filannoo haqaafi bilisa hin taaneen guutumaan guututti Mana maree Federaalaafi naannolee paartii tokkoon qabamaniin heera mootummaa fooyyessuuf yaaluus ta’ee keewwata heera mootummaa keessa hin jirre hiikuuf socho’uun qaawwa uumamu bifa haqaafi fudhatama qabuun guutuuf kan fayyadu ta’ee hin arganne. Miseensa Mana Maree paartii tokkoon qabameen dhimma heera mootummaa keessa hin galle hiikanii bara hojii mootummaa dheeressuun inumaa adeemsa fudhatamummaa xiqqeessu malee kan jabeessuu miti.

3. Akka filannoo afraffaatti kan dhiyaate yaanni Heera mootummaa hiikuutis furmaata ta’uu hin danda’u. Sababni isaas, Manni Maree Federeeshinii heera mootummaa hiikuuf taayitaa itti qabaatullee keewwattoota heericha keessatti tarreeffaman keessaa filannoo dabarsuufis ta’ee taayitaa mootummaa dheeressuu ilaalchisee kan falmii kaasan hin jiran. Filannoo dabarsuus ta’ee taayitaa mootummaa dheeressuu keewwanni ilaallatu heera mootummaa keessa kan hin galfamne waan ta’eef manni marichaa dhimmoota heera mootummaa keessa hin jirre hiikuu hin danda’u.

4. Furmatni, gara tokkoon balaa Vaayrasii Koronaa waloon ofirraa ittisaa, gara biraan filannoodhaaf qophaayaa dhibichi badee filannoo hanga gaggeessuu dandeenyutti qaawwa taayitaa mootummaa uumamu furuuf kan gargaaru walii galtee siyaasa biyyoolessaa uumuu qofa jennee amanna. Yeroon ce’umsaa ijaarsa siyaasaa kan barbaachisu ta’uun kan beekkamu ta’us, haala qabatama amma jiruun kana raawwachuun salphaa akka hin taane ni amanna. Waan ta’eef, caasaa mootummaa amma jirutti fayyadamnee hojiin mootummaa guyyu guyyaa raawwatamuu qaba jennee amanna. Furmaata siyaasaati jennee kan irra geenye qaceelloon galmee ibsu qaamolee mootumma dhimmichi ilaallatuufi qaama seera baasuu fi hiikuufis dhiyeessuuf qophii keenya xummurree jirra. Qaamoleen dhimmichi ilaallatus, bu’uura waadaa mootummaan galeen paartilee mormitoota mariisisuuf qophiidha jennee abdiin eegaa jirra.

5. Kanaan ala tarkaaffiin fudhatamu kamuu fudhatama siyaasaa, seeraafi ummataa waan hin qabneef biyyatti gara jeequmsa) siyaasaa fi hokkora yeroo rakkiisaatti nuu geessa sodaa jedhu qabna. Kana waan ta’eef walii galtee fudhatama qaburra ga’uuf qajeelfamoota murteessoo kanaa gaditti dhiyaatan hordofuu akka qabnu hubachiisuu feena.

1. Marii fi walii galteen, dhaabbilee siyaasaa filaannoo bar 2012 dorgomuuf galmaa’anii ulaagaa guutan qofa kan hirmaachise ta’uu qaba.

2. Mariifi walii galteen qaama bilisa ta’een gaggeeffamuu qaba.

3. Walii galteen mariidhaan irra ga’amu garee hundaanuu kan raawwatamu (binding) ta’uu qaba.

Paartilee Qaama Ibsichaa:
1. Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo
2. Adda Bilisummaa Biyyoolessaa Ogaden
3. Kongiresii Federaalawa Oromoo
4. Shangoo Biyyoolessaa Agaw
5. Paartii Dimokraasii Mocha
6. Birmadummaa Dimokrasiif Arana Tigraay
7. Paarti Magariisa Kafaa

Nageenyi, bilisummaafi Demokiraasin ummata hundaaf


1. Introduction

In the event of the downfall of Drgue in 1991, the EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front) took over power to rule Ethiopia with effective stay in position for 27 years. During its rule the EPRDF violated fundamental human rights; and misappropriated resources (economy) of the country. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) held hegemonic supreme power in all forms with its absolute monopoly power over legislative, judiciary and executive or- gans.
The TPLF controlled defense, security and all other similar structures by which it exercised total- itarian system under its domain. Superficially it claimed to implement democracy and rule of law under which constitutional rights of the individual and the group are ensured. In effect, it acted to promote supremacy of a single people while severely suppressing other peoples. The democratic organizations fighting for the rights of peoples and democracy firmly stood against the suppres- sion and brutality of the EPDRF throughout its 27 year rule.

The armed struggle, political movement, diplomatic maneuver and popular resistance spearhead- ed by Oromo youth (Qeerroo) were intensified. The Oromo Qeerroo conducted highly devel- oped freedom movement to the extent of surpassing Oromia to motivate the youth of other re- gions. The popular movement thus intensified created pressure on EPRDF/OPDO to ally with the movement through implementing change within though against their will.

The popular resistance that started in Oromia spread throughout the country exerting pressure against the TPLF – EPRDF to publicly announce for reform in January 2018. Accordingly, Dr. Abiy Ahimed became the Prime Minister on April 2, 2018. There was public trust and desire for transition to democratic system under the leadership of Dr. Abiy Ahimed.

Thus with movement of the Oromo at the forefront, and involvement of other peoples, Oromo militants and struggle of others who in various forms either organized or individually compelled the government of Ethiopia to start listening to public demands. In fact, a certain group within the ODP/EPRDF too contributed to change of stance in the system. The change (reform) by and COVID-19 Pandemic and Ethiopian Electoral Law Impasse over the 2020 Election and Transitional Mechanism large is the sacrifice of Oromo nationals and the public.

Thus the change that has come about under extremely challenging scenario has been expected to bring about free and fair election that would lead the country to a democratic governance. The Alliance for Multination Federalism (Alliance) believes that the democratic governance is expected to be stable that would ensure livelihood improvement of citizens in which it (the Al- liance and its member organizations) and all other forces would play their part. The election scheduled for August 29, 2020 that has been awaited with eager is to be extended due to the COVID – 19 pandemic. This latest move has inevitably implied “constitutional crisis” in the country. Therefore, this modest piece has been framed in order to give possible way out to overcome the crisis.

To this effect, it is necessary to look into events of yesterday, prevailing condition today, and investigate officials connected with these issues under the FDRE Constitution and cast the way out believed to be central is crucial. Therefore, examining the process of the change that be- gan in April 2018 would be advantageous.

2. Measures the Reformist Group has taken

The promising measures Government of Dr. Abiy Ahimed initially took:
1. Release of political prisoners;
2. Lifting Command Post (state of emergency);
3. Facilitating conditions for all political organizations including those involved in armed struggle to officially return home and register as political parties to peacefully compete in the legal environment having their own political positions;
4. Amendment or annul proclamations that have been bottlenecks to build a true democratic system:

a) Anti Terrorism Proclamation (though members of the OLF are still alleged under it): b) The Media Proclamation; and
c) Charities and Societies proclamation.
5. Review Election Board and Electoral Procedure Proclamations;
6. Support the Law and Justice Advisory Council of 13 independent legal professionals under the auspices of the office of the Attorney General;
7. Abandon (close down) Maekelawi Prison (3rd Police Station);
8. Allow the media operating abroad and blocked website to operate in the country; and
9. Resolve conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia peacefully through reconciliation etc. were the measures taken.

Even though this reform created opportunity to openly bring together the public and all politi- cal parties, it has still encountered other challenges.
3. Challenges the Reform Encountered
We could categorize the challenges and conflicts into two: They are what are there in general terms and what the EPRDF faced in particular as a political organization and government in power.

Major challenges and conflicts:
There are above 110 or so political parties lacking uniform position on fundamental issues. There are having contradictory stand on “State-Building” and “Nation-Building” as well as suspicion on identities of peoples and that of Ethiopia due to lack of balancing stand to work together. Particularly, the results of protracted struggle of the people, which has made peoples participate in the politics to some extent has been actualized in the Federal system. The at- tempt to dissolve this system to replace it by the age old structure which would keep the enti- ties apart instead of coming together has become one of the major challenges.

The following major challenges have been faced by the EPRDF as a political organization and the government in charge of administering the public:
a. Internal power struggles within the EPRDF
This is existence of conflict between organizations in coalition with the EPRDF and within themselves. In due course this has led to TPLF total withdrawal from the Prosperity Party (PP). Since there has not been delineated boundary of power between EPRDF Party and the Government, reflection of this had been seen in the performance of the government.
b. Violation of fundamental human rights

In different regions human rights in general are not still properly protected. Arbitrary deten- tion and killings of civilians is rampant and widespread. Many leaders and members of vari- ous political organizations are in detention.
c. Tensions between national entities (inter-ethnic tension) Due to the tensions there have been sporadic conflicts between Oromia, SNNPR, Amhara, Benshangul Gumuz and Somli Administrative Regions.

d. Less effort to meet the wish of the youth
The strong force behind the reform, that is the youth, had great expectation from the government for livelihood improvement. The government failed to fulfill the expectation.
e. Lack of proper re-integration of former freedom fighters
There has been lack of proper demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration processes of the former freedom fighters (combatants).
f. Insufficient preparation on the part of Election Board
Even before COVID-19 surfaced the 2020 Electoral Board of Ethiopia had no sufficient preparation to conduct the election.

On top of existing gaps and weaknesses, the COVID – 19 pandemic occurred even before the Election Board established its structure at lower level.
4. Conditions with the COVID-19

The World Health Organization (WHO) branch office in China reported on December 31, 2019 that a certain type of sickness (pneumonia with unknown cause) occurred in China in Ubei area at Wuhan city. The disease spread to other countries like Thailand, Japan and the Republic of Korea between December 31, 219 and January 12, 2020. On January 12, 2020 China made examination finally explaining that the disease was novel coronavirus. The WHO announced emergency to the world on January 30, 2020. The WHO identified the disease/ virus as Novel Coronavirus-n COVID-19 on February 11, 2020.
On March 11, 2020 the WHO announced that COVID-19 is pandemic that has spread world- wide critically affecting health of human beings. On March 16, 2020 Office of the Prime Min- ister of Ethiopia shut schools; prevented various sports competitions; and suspended public gatherings all for 15 days. On April 8, 2020 Assembly of Ministers of Ethiopia proclaimed state of emergency for five months. This was ratified by the Council on April 10, 2020.

On March 31, 2020 the Election Board of Ethiopia shade doubt on the possibility of conduct- ing election according to the schedule (August 29, 2020) due to the COVID-19. It elaborated that unless the pandemic is tackled it would be impossible to conduct the according to sched- ule. Based on the announcement of the Election Board, the State Council warned to seek for solution as follows:

“4) The Council should make note that the Board is unable to conduct general election one month prior to the service period of Council of House of Peoples’ Representatives in accord- ance with the Constitution; in case there is decision to pass, this decision as well as the docu- ment on assessment the Board conducted should be passed to House of Peoples’ Representa- tives for convenience.” (Taken from announcement of Election Board)
The House of Peoples’ Representatives is elected only for five year term of office shall obvi- ously enter into conflict with the Constitution in their desire to bypass proper and procedural election process. It is highly recommended to examine the situation and reach a necessary con- sensus.
5. COVID-19 and National Election of 2020: Challenges or the Constitutional crisis
Obviously, the National Election and the various Regional Elections set for August 29, 2020 whereby they share countrywide power with Regional Councils by September has not been conducted.

5.1 Sections of the Constitution over which Conflict arose
In general terms, violation of any article of Constitution of the country is unacceptable. For the present, if the national election may not be conducted according to schedule, the articles that would be violated, which in effect are decisive, are the following:
Article 1 Nomenclature of the State: This Constitution establishes a Federal and Democratic State structure. Accordingly, the Ethiopian state shall be known as the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Consequently, a democratic government cannot be expected to exist without election. The government not elected by the citizens cannot be democratic; the first and the least precondition that makes a government democratic is conducting an election.

Article 54.1 Members of the House of Peoples’ Representatives shall be elected by the People for a term of five years on the basis of universal suffrage and by direct, free and fair elections held by secret ballot. When this is not the case House of Peoples’ Representatives cannot be deemed representative of the people and there would not be laws it declares and decision it passes; even it may be there it would not have acceptance.
Article 58.3 The House of Peoples’ Representatives shall be elected for a term of five years. Elections for a new House shall be concluded one month prior to the expiry of the House’s term. Thus, if the House of Peoples’ Representatives that completed its term of office for any reason is not replaced by the newly elected, there won’t be condition for it to continue func- tioning.

Article 61.3 Members of the House of the Federation shall be elected by the State Councils. The State Councils may themselves elect representatives to the House of the Federation or they may hold elections to have the representatives elected by the people directly.
Article 67.2 The term of mandate of the House of the Federation shall be five years. The term of office of the House of Federation, as indicated above, shall not be more than five years.
Article 72.2 The Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers are responsible to the House of Peoples’ Representatives. In the exercise of State functions, members of the Council of Minis- ters are collectively responsible for all decisions they make as a body.
Article 72.3 Unless and otherwise provided in this Constitution the term of office of the Prime Minister is for the duration of the mandate of the House of Peoples’ Representatives.

Proclamation No. 1162/2019 Based on the Constitution, this proclamation issued to order the national election stated under Article 7.1: Unless and otherwise provided in this Constitution the term of office of the Prime Minister is for the duration of the mandate of the House of Peoples’ Representatives. The above articles are established in connection with the need to estab- lish democratic governance, and failure to observe them owing to the pandemic COVID-19,

will create loopholes and consequent seriously undesirable outcomes.
5.2. In case of prevalence of the chance for extension to administrative period of the State Council (government)
i. Emergency Proclamation

Article 93.1(a) The Council of Ministers of the Federal Government shall have the power to decree a state of emergency, should an external invasion, a break down of law and order which endangers the Constitutional order and which cannot be controlled by the regular law enforce- ment agencies and personnel, a natural disaster, or an epidemic occur. Aside this, any condition shall not qualify for proclaiming state of emergency. A failure to conduct election according to schedule for whatever reason shall not be a cause for declaration state of emergency. If pre- vailing conditions reasonably hamper the election to take effect, other solutions should be sought rather than declaring state of emergency.
Even if emergency is declared it is impossible to create obstruction in accordance with Article 93.4 (c): This article of the constitution (No 1) stipulates that the Government of Ethiopia should be democratic. And a democratic government is established through election. As stated under article 1, articles 8.2,3 and 9.3 again the peoples of the country shall have supreme pow- er and this is actualized through conducting a free and fair election. Otherwise, coming to pow- er through other means or stay in power with extension is prohibited. Thus it means declaring state of emergency beyond the stipulated term of office is contradictory to provisions of the Constitution.

ii. Dissolution of House of Representatives
Article 60.1 With the consent of the House, the Prime Minister may cause the dissolution of the House before the expiry of its term in order to hold new elections.
This is applied when term of office of the state council due to various factors to shorten the pe- riod and conduct election. But it is not meant to extend the period nearing completion. Since dissolution of state council is stipulated in the Constitution, in the absence of jurisprudence in law and constitutional discourse where there is no need to dissolve state council, taking the measure to dissolve state council is constitutionally wrong. This would be possible within the period of office but not to extend it. Thus, dissolution of House Peoples’ Representatives can- not be taken as Constitutional resolve.
iii. Amendment of the Constitution

Article 104 Amendment or enrichment of Constitution
Amendment of a given Constitution may take effect when two third of House of Peoples’ Representatives, two third of Council of Federation or when majority of members of the Council of Regional States support the proposal, and after its presentation for discussion and decision to the concerned organ and the public for amendment.
Article 105 Amendment of the Federal Constitution

All the rights and freedoms stipulated under Chapter Three of this Constitution, this article, as well as article 104 may be amended only under the following conditions: All the Regional State Councils approve the amendment by majority vote;
The Federal House of Peoples’ Representatives support the amendment and approve by two thirds majority; and

When the House of the Federation, by a two-thirds majority vote, approves the proposed amendment.
All provisions of this Constitution other than those specified in sub-Article 1 of this Article can be amended only in the following manner:
When the House of Peoples’ Representatives and the House of the Federation, in a joint ses- sion, approve a proposed amendment by a two-thirds majority vote; and
When two-thirds of the Councils of the member States of the Federation approve the pro- posed amendment by majority votes.

It would be fair to say it is Constitutional to amend the Constitution to resolve the current
crisis. However, its acceptability may fall into jeopardy due to the fact that it is taking place at the end of period of office of the State Council.
Even though other preconditions may be met to amend the Constitution and cultural aspects, since it is impossible to present to all the people for discussion due to COVID – 19, the chance is none to that effect. As the result, since the Constitution does not have a prior solution, and though it is believed that Constitutional amendment is the solution, it would not be the solution since under the current reality it demands deliberation and decision of the wider public.

IV. Interpret the Constitution
Article 83.1. All constitutional disputes shall be decided by the House of the Federation.
Article 83.2. The House of the Federation shall, within thirty days of receipt, decide a consti- tutional dispute submitted to it by the Council of Constitutional Inquiry.
According to renowned persons of the Constitution and the Law it, the interpretation of either the Constitution or the Law may be required when it is clear that an article is there about the issue or when there are two articles over same issue and they contradict each other. In short, not in the absence, but presence but due to lack of clarity, or when it contradicts, it shall be re- solved through clear interpretation. What we have currently encountered is neither lack of clar- ity nor contradiction but the solution to the impasse is absence of an article over the issue. In order to fill this gap then the solution would be to amend the Constitution by adding the miss- ing or other solution should be sought but interpretation cannot be the way-out. As the result, the attempt to find solution by interpreting the Constitution amounts to amending the Constitu- tion. As to make interpretation of rather an issue as big as amendment of the Constitution, the people or different entities that represent the people (political parties, civil societies …) do not have any chance for participation. Then in the Constitution, Law or the existing work proce- dure does not allow the people or various parties to take part in it.

We have strong reservation that this interpretation of the constitution cannot involve the people but if done so by a single party it would lack acceptability and create great obstacle to this country. As long as there were no similar instances presented to the Council of Federation so far, it would not provide Constitutional interpretation (it refused to abstractedly review and in- terpret the constitution). Since it may mean there were situations it would have rejected the
interpretation, but it accepts to interpret this time, it is going to create suspicion. What we make note from the foregoing conditions is that interpretation of the Constitution does not have any legal backing to resolve the current crisis. And the solution lacking interpretation of the Constitution is always rejected.
6. Summary of Constitutional Review

General
1) It appears postponement is mandatory due to COVID-19 pandemic.
2) There is no form of the Constitution to rely on to extend term of office. The statement that EPRDF previously amended is not acceptable.
3) In accordance with article 9.2 of the Constitution, all citizens, organs of state, political or- ganizations, other associations as well as their officials have the duty to ensure observance of the Constitution and to obey it. Therefore, it should be decided by the people for peaceful ex- istence but not by decision of a single party.
7. Problem emanating from illegal extension of term of State Council
Extension of the term of office aside Constitutional provision: Article 9.3 It is prohibited to as- sume state power in any manner other than that provided under the Constitution. As the result, it is not Constitutional provision of a country but international agreement that could be put un- der an article. Article 9.4: All international agreements ratified by Ethiopia are an integral part of the law of the land. Article 10: Human and Democratic Rights. It means the measure would violate the Constitution.

An example to this is what the AU Charter stipulates:
Chapter 8 Sanctions in Cases of Unconstitutional Changes of Government
Article 23.5 Any amendment or revision of the constitution or legal instruments, which is an infringement on the principles of democratic change of government.
In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the Declaration was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948 (General Assembly resolution 217 ).

Article 21.1. Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
Article 21.3 The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage

and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures. Thus, it contradicts with clear procedure.
8. Our view for the way-out
Even though one of the solutions is to set up transitional system, we do not believe it would be easy to do so at this point in time. Thus, it requires by de facto to give a defined period to the executive organ of this government to continue with the reform towards political settlement that is based on consensus. Therefore, we present the following idea for the settlement.

The base for the basic points on which the idea for the way-out is set:
Whereas we believe election cannot be conducted as scheduled because of COVID-19;
Whereas as it is stipulated under article 9.2 of the Constitution: All citizens, organs of state, po- litical organizations, other associations as well as their officials have the duty to ensure ob- servance of the Constitution and to obey it. We believe this is true. Since this helped us to fun- damentally attempt to shift to democratic system for all during the last few years, the extension should be done in such a way that the base of this Constitution and sovereignty of the country shall not come under question;

Whereas the foreign policy should not put under question the protection of benefits of peoples of Ethiopia; and protection of sovereignty of the country and its promotion;
Whereas we agree on the contribution of the country in diplomatic relations with IGAD, AU
and UN is not obstructed, this government should by de facto build consensus for regional and global legitimacy;
Whereas the government should swiftly maintain peace in the event of violation of sovereignty of the country;

Whereas the party in power has fallen short of its initial promises and has been using the organs responsible to protect the Constitution and the rules towards its own political benefits while de- taining leaders and members of other political parties; take into consideration the falling short of hope and trust of the public;
Whereas in general since we believe the current crisis affecting the country should only be re- solved politically within the framework of the Constitution.

Now therefore, based on the above stated points, the Government (Executive Body) may be ex- tended for one year but shall not proclaim laws and decrees. It is necessary to have binding po- litical convention that enables other political parties to take part and to ensure proper oversight of the process in order to build democracy and help create sustainable peace in the country. The proposed central issues for the convention are:

1. To establish Council of Foreign Relation
This is believed to inspire domestic trust and gain international legitimacy.
2. To establish coordinated national security council or Committee for Monitoring the imple- mentation of the Security arrangements
This would be to avoid the defense force, security and the police in political involvement.
To balance the bureaucratic, technocratic, security and judicial actions with the aim to limit the influence of the regime; and

To create civil order and end violence, while ensuring that all security and intelligence forces would be subject to control by the abovementioned monitoring bodies.
3. To ensure democratic building institution such as Election Board
Establish or protect the autonomy and authority of independent judiciary, electoral board and independent media that could hold the executives accountable.

Procedural limits on how the government can act in order to prevent arbitrariness, corruption, oppression, discrimination, and the misuse of public office for personal gain.
4. To establish a body that work on the problem created because of the disparity between State
building and Nation building in order to create national consensus.
5. To create a body that would monitor the implementation of the convention
To limit the quest of any further extension.
To conduct next election during the month of May as usual than during rainy season in August.
We shall present details of responsibilities and system by which these parties would operate.

Alliance for Multination Democratic Federalism (Alliance)

April2020, Finfinnee/AddisAbaba


Mee kanas daawwadhaa sagantaa jiru caalaatti hubadhaa

RN – በወቅታዊ የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ጉዳይ ዙርያ ከዶክተር ፀጋዬ አራርሳ ጋር ቆይታ