Ibsa Ajajaa Ol’aanaa OLA-WBO: Dhimma Tumsa humnoota farra abbaa irree Abiy

(Ibsa Ajajaa Ol’aanaa OLA-WBO)
 
Ajajaan Ol’aanaa ABO-WBO dhimma Tumsa humnoota farra abbaa irree Abiy Ahmed ta’an waliin walitti dhufanii marihachuu eegaluu Associated press irratti erga ibsanii booda, ololli sodaa irraa madde aktivistootaa fi media PPn karaa leellistoota nafxanyummaa ifaan yeroo gaggeeffamu, warra ABO-WBO siyaasa keessaa moggeessuun qabsoo Oromoo gara fedhanitti micciruun dantaa dhuunfaa fi fedhii isaanii guuttachuuf dhama’aniin ammoo harka lafa jalaan gaggeeffamaa jira.
 
Akeeki tumsa sabootaa kun, sirna abbaa irree Abiy Ahmed diiguun, ergamtoota isaa waliin seeratti dhiheessuun, mirga hiree murteeffannaa saboota mirkaneessuun fi mootummaa waloo kan cehumsaa dhugaa filannoo haqaa fi bilisaa gaggeessuun uummata keessaa hoggana siyaasaa baasu dha. Tumsi yeroo gabaabaa fi dheeraa qaamota siyaasaa gidduutti tolfamu kunqabsoo saba tokkoof gargaara jedhamee yoo amaname, qaamota tumsa sana tolfatuun murtaawa.
 
Ololli tumsa kana dura dhaabbachuuf gaggeeffamu murnoota sadiini, isaanis; tokkoffaan, leellistoota nafxanyummaa kan ol’aantummaa Amaaraa kan sabboonummaa sabootaa dhabamsiisuun dhugoosmuuf hojjetaniin; lammaffaan, OPDO duraanii kan amma ergama leellistoota nafxanyummaa fudhatanii raawwachuuf dhama’an fi sadaffaan, kajeeltota qabeenyaa fi aangoo bubuutuu ilaallataniin gaggeeffamaa jira.
Akeeki olola kanaa; tokkoffaan, milkoomiina tumsa kanaa danquun humnooti siyaasaa kan mirga hiree murteeffannaa sabaa fi sablammootaa fudhatan akka hin milkoofne tolchuu dha. Haala kanaan, abbaa irree Abiy Ahmed aangoo irra tursuun gidiraa uummattoota irratti dheeressuu ta’a. Leellistooti nafxanyummaa bara dhibbaa fi shantamaa oliif eenyummaa Oromoo fi saboota cunqurfamoo dhabamsiisuuf dhama’an, kan har’as Oromummaa dhabamsiisuuf wixxifataa jiraniif faallaa ilaalcha siyaasaa isaanii waan ta’eef dura dhaabbatu. Lammaffaan, yakkoota Oromiyaa, Benshangul, Tigray, Walayita, Qimant, Sidama fi kkf keessatti raawwatan haguuganii yakkamtoonni akka seeratti hin dhiyaanne danquufi.
 
Yakkooti waggoota 30 darban Oromiyaa keessatti raawwatameef gaafatamaan jalqabaa OPDO dha. Waggoota 27, akka qaama EPRDFtti ergama kana fudhatee kan Oromoo irratti yakka raawwachaa ture OPDO dha. Kunis, afaan aangawoota OPDOn dhugaa bahaa turan yeroo ta’uu, Abiy Ahimedis ‘shororkeessaan nuyi’ jedhee paarlamaa fuuldura ta’ee dubbachuun, yakkamaa ta’uu isaa ifaan fudhatee jira. Yakkoota wal-fakkaataa fi ulfaatoo baroottan sadan darban keessatti raawwatamaa jirus, itti fufiinsa yakka waggoota 27 keessa dalaganitiif kan ragaa dha. Ammatti Oromoon PP/OPDO caalaa diina hamaa akka hin qabaannee kan mirkaneessu yakkoota baroottan darban sadan keessatti raawwatan dha.
 
Baroottan darban sadan keessattis OPDOn maqaa jijjirrachuun leellistoota nafxanyummaa irraa dirqama fudhatanii, Oromummaa dhabamsiisuuf yakka ol’aanaa Oromiyaa keessatti raawwatanii jiru. Uummatni Oromoo Gujii, Wallaggaa fi Shawaa ibiddaa keessa ture, qabeenyi Oromoo, qe’ee fi oyruun Oromoo ibiddaan barbaadaawee fi ciramee jira, dhalli namaa manni itti cufamee ibiddaan gubamee jira, dhalli namaa dhiiraaf dhalaan gudeedamaanii jiru, dhalli namaa dirreetti baafamee otoo uummati ilaaluu rasaasaan reebamee ajjeefamee jira. Baroottan 27 darban keessa Oromoon akka baroottan sadan darbanii bifa sukkaneessaan mana hidhaatii baafamee adda-babayiitti ba’ee rasaasaan reebamee ajjeefame hin turre, ilmi keessan bosona jira jedhamee ifaan maatiin rasaasaan ajjeefame hin turre, dhiirri hin gudeedamne, dhalli namaa manni itti cufamee hin gubanne, qe’een Oromoo ibiddaan gubamaa vidiyoo waraabamee hin facaane, Minilik kaleessaa Oromoo ajjeesuun sirrii dha, biyya ijaaruuf ajjeese, har’as Itiyophiyaa jiraachisuuf isin du’uu qabdu, jedhamee itti hin qoosamne.
 
Dabalataan, PP fi leellistooti nafxanyummaa akka gaaffiin siyaasaa Oromoo deebbii hin argannef WBOn shororkeessaa dha, WBOn saba Amaaraa kan Oromiyaa keessa jiraatan irratti sanyii duguuggaa gaggeessa, jechuun olola kijibaa facaasuu irra dabartee waraana guddaa WBOtti bobbaasuun uummata nagaa fixaa turte. Humnooti shiraa kun uummata Oromiyaa Afaan Amaaraa dubbatan lixa Oromiyaa keessa jiraatan ajjeesuun daldala siyaasaaf oofachuuf akka WBOn ajjeechaa sabaa irratti qiyyaafatetti ololaa turan. Erga lolli Tigray keessatti jabaatee booda garuu, ajjeechaa maqaa saba Amaaraa jedhuun Oromiyaa keessatti gaggeeffamun dhagahamaa hin jiru. Kunis, ajjeechaa kana kan gaggeessaa turan warra har’a gara Tigrayitti bobbaafaman akka ta’e ragaa dha.
 
Warri yakka Oromiyaa keessatti gaggeeffamaa ture argaa fi dhagahaa haqa uummataa dubbachuuf sodaadhaan afaan cuqqaallatee ture, amma afaan banachuun tumsa kana mormuun guddoo nama hin aja’ibu. Warri kun marti beekaas ta’e wallaalaan ajandaa nafxanyummaa bakkaan gahuuf yakka maqaa Itiyophiyaatiin Oromoo fi saboota biroo irratti gaggeeffamaa jiru haguuguun, gaafatamummaa keessaa bahuuf wixxifatu. Tumsi kun dhugoomuun, Abbaa irree Abiy Ahmed burkuteessee yakkamtoota hunda waan seeraatti dhiheessuuf shororkaa keessa seenanii jiru.
 
Bara aangoon siyaasaa harka PP jiru keessatti mormitooti siyaasaa tumsa siyaasaa ABO-WBO fi TDF morman, akeeki isaanii ergamaa leellistoota nafxanyummaa fudhatanii fiiguu irra adda baafamee hin ilaalaman. Tumsa TDF fi ABO-WBO gidduu ta’uuf deemu dura dhaabbachuuf ololuun, takkaawuu siyaasaa wallaaluu irraa ykn ammoo ‘yoon ani du’e coqorsi hin biqiliin’ harreen jette sana irraa akka madduu beekamuu qaba.
 
OPDOn akka TPLFn tolfamtee akeeka EPRDF galmaan gahuuf bobbaafamte shakkiin hin jiru. OPDOn tolchaa ishee waliin wal-lolte, tolchaa ishee hadheessuu fi dhabamsiisuuf yaaltee of ajjeesaa jirti. ABO-WBOn garuu, kaayyoo sabni Oromoo qabu galmaan gahuuf jaarmiyaa dhiigaa fi lafeen ijaarame dha.Ergamtooti gooftaa jijjiirrataa baahan ABO-WBOdhaan gooftaa diinaa yoo jedhan malee ergamtu jechuuf haamilee itti hin qaban. Kanaaf ragaan, ABO-WBOn waggoota 50 darban keessa ibiddaan qoramee, beelaa fi dheebuu keessa darbee, dhiiga isaa dhangalaasee, du’ee qabsoo jiraachisee, haalota zaliilii fi rakkisoo tahaan keessatti akeekaa fi kaayyoo Oromoo qabatee uummata isaaf amanamaa ta’uu mirkaneessaa jira. ABO-WBOn uumamni isaa kaayyoo saba Oromoo galmaan gahuuf malee ergamuuf hin ta’u. Walii galteen saboota gidduutti tolfamuuf deemus kan dantaa sabaa hin sharafne, kan ABO-WBOn abboomamu, kan mirga hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu saba Oromoo mirkaneessu, kan fedhii fi walqixxummaa sabootaa irratti hundaa’u qabu akka ta’e uummati keenyi akka hubatuu fi olola diinaan akka hin burjaajofne ajajaan ol’aanaa ABO-WBO dhaama.
 
Dhuma irratti, tarkaanfiin tumsa siyaasaa fi waraanaa ABO-WBOn saboota cunqurfamoo kan mirga hiree murteeffannaatti amanan waliin taasisuuf haasawaa eegalame kanaan kan rifatee visaa qopheeffachaa jiru yakkamtoota PP dha. Ololli kuniis jibba galma gahumsa qabsoo Oromoo irraa, akkasumaas sodaa abbaan irree aangoo irraa yoo kaafame barri aangoo isaanii waan dhumatuuf akka ta’e hubatamuu qaba. Faashistummaan PP qabsoo ABO-WBOn godhaa jiruu fi tumsa uummattoota waliin toflamuun xumuratti tarkaanfachaa jiraachuu uummati keenyi akka hubatu feena. Ololli diinni fi jaleen diinaa oofaa jiran kamiyyuu kan Qabsoo Oromoof quuqamuu irraa akka hin taane beekamee, Oromoon ABO-WBO waliin tahee biyya isaa irratti abbaa ta’uuf biyya isaa mirkaneeffachuuf naannoo isaadhuunfatee bulchuutti akka seeny waamicha dabarsina. Kanaaf, tumsii sabootaa kan ABO-WBOn keessatti hirmaatu kun tarkaanfii sirrii fi yeroo isaa eeggatee tahuu kan mirkaneessuu wacaa fi boo’icha diinaa fi jalee diinaati! Abbaan irree tumsa sabootaan bakkaa kaafama!
Injifannoo Ummata Oromoof!
Ajajaa Ol’aanaa ABO-WBO

Hagayya 13, 2021


The Oromia Liberation Army OLF is talking to the people of Oromia about the cities they have liberated.

2 Comments

  1. Thank you WBO! WBO liberated my beloved country my grand parents failed to defend from Abyssinian colonial invasion and my generation failed to reverse it. I Hope you hold these liberated areas firmly in control and build your strength until every square inch of Oromia and Finfinne is totally liberated.

    Victory to our brave sons and daughters in WBO!
    Eternal death and destruction to our mortal enemies Ethiopian colonialists. Oromia shall be free.

  2. To all who want to end the misery of the people in the Ethiopian Empire,

    Why I support the “alliance” between the OLA, TPLF/TDF, and other Liberation Movements

    Tactical alliances are usually formed with a predefined AND limited scope, and the purpose of this alliance, according to OLA, is to remove Abiy’s government from power,

    That the Oromo should make it crystal clear, from the get-go, to ALL parties, that WE ARE NEITHER INTERESTED IN BECOMING THE NEW RULERS OR KEEPERS OF THE EMPIRE NOR ACCEPT ANYONE TO RULE OVER US EXCEPT FOR A GOVERNMENT OF OUR PEOPLES’ CHOOSING,

    That the Oromo should NEVER negotiate away their birthright to form their own independent & sovereign republic if our people choose so, and any “solution” ANYONE can formulate which is not going to provide adequate answer to this Oromo question is simply not going to work in the end, in solving the Empire’s dilemma,

    That, a CREDIBLE referendum conducted and administered by a NEUTRAL international body is, perhaps, the ONLY SANE path left to allow the people in the Ethiopian Empire to PEACEFULLY decide on the issue of whether or not they want to go their own way or remain as part of Ethiopia,

    That, towards this goal, ALL Liberation Movements in the Empire can work in conjunction with one another, whether they ‘like’ each other or not,

    That, the Amhara elite may “kick and scream” all they want, but it will be to the benefit of the poor Amhara people to join this peaceful effort, so they can live in peace with their neighbors in the future regardless of the color and design of the flag their neighbors may choose,

    That, the Oromo will, in the end, choose their own flag, with or without the consent of the Habesha elite and the Western Powers, AND the TPLF/TDF WILL NOT TRY TO CONQUER Oromia AS IT DID IN 1991, THAT THE OLA LEADERSHIP IS NOT BEING BLINDSIDED BY SOME DISCERNIBLE INTRIGUE, gives me reason to be cautiously optimistic about the “alliance” formed between the TPLF & the OLA to get rid of the murderous regime of Abiy Ahmed…. After the removal of Abiy’s government from power, the “Tactical Alliance” (Remember, 1991?)SHOULD END, to be followed by an agreed upon process for a referendum.

    Deny the Oromo and the other people of the Empire this peaceful path and alternative, AND we the Oromo SHOULD MAKE IT CLEAR TO ALL PARTIES, INCLUDING THE UNITED STATES and the Europeans, THAT WE SHALL CONTINUE TO FIGHT TO BRING ABOUT THE BIRTH OF AN INDEPENDENT AND SOVEREIGN OROMO REPUBLIC!

    BY G*D, THEY CANNOT KILL US ALL!

    To understand the reasoning behind the points made above, please take a look at this article which I have taken the liberty to re-post here on Kichuu. The article originally was published on Ayyaantuu News and was written by Ms. Soretti Kadir. This article, in my opinion, is one of the BEST papers I have read so far, written in support of a “referendum” as a lasting solution for the misery of millions of people trapped in that miserable entity known as Ethiopia…

    Ethiopia: Referendum as a lasting political solution in Oromia and beyond

    What will it take to address the mounting political, social, and economic questions that continue to hamper Ethiopia’s transition to democracy?

    By Soretti Kadir

    Referendum Oromia

    (Awash Post) — In a 24 March speech in parliament, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed acknowledged that his security forces have been fighting rebels in parts of the Oromia state. He also noted that internet and telephone communications had been cut in the restive areas—for months at a time—and many people have died in the fighting. It was a rare acknowledgment of a conflict that has festered in total darkness since 2018 in Wallaga, Guji, and Borana zones.

    The civil war in Oromia continues to grind on in the shadow of the Tigray war. Yet, these are not the only challenges Ethiopia faces currently. Statehood demands have mushroomed across the South, sometimes accompanied by communal conflict and political tensions. Afar and Somali states are engaged in a stormy border dispute. The Amhara militia and special forces are on ethnic cleansing expeditions in Tigray, Wollo, and the Benishangul Gumuz region. At the root of these conflicts are unsettled historical debates, contested territories, and divergent aspirations about Ethiopia’s future.

    To understand the multi-pronged challenges in Ethiopia, we must look to the country’s history and repeated failures to reckon with its complex past because these dynamics keep showing up in the present moment. Turning a blind eye to this historical trauma is preventing Ethiopia from moving forward. The multinational federal system enshrined in the current constitution has attempted to transition the country from empire and dictatorship to democracy.

    Still, the desires for pluralism, regional self-rule, competitive politics, human rights, and self-determination keep colliding with the intentions upon which the country was initially built: to control and exploit resources, dominate people and create a single nation-state characterized by one language, one religion, and one cultural makeup (i.e., an Amharhanized state). Unlike the rest of the African continent, there was no decolonization process in Ethiopia. No real effort was ever made to remedy the wounds that were cut into the country and its people from the early days of its creation.

    Ethiopia enjoys a reputation as the only African country that was never colonized, but the modern Ethiopian empire was created via colonial and military means carried out in collaboration with European forces from the early-mid 1800s onward. This process culminated in the reign of Menelik II, who consolidated the Ethiopian state via mass genocide, cultural, linguistic, spiritual, economic, and political decimation and assimilation. Vast regions were subjected to colonial control. They have always resisted.

    Many believe that dwelling on past historical injustices is counterproductive when imagining political solutions for the present. I argue the opposite, i.e., the past, when it is clouded with trauma and left unaddressed, will continue to, directly and indirectly, control the future we attempt to create. It must be addressed. The question, then, becomes, how? What will it take to adequately address the political questions, social and economic conditions that are interlinked with Ethiopia’s colonialist past and present? It will take political courage and political will that untethers itself from patterns of control and abuse and strives to uplift the genuine desires of the people.

    One way to know those desires and acknowledge the truth is for the people to decide what Ethiopia is or is not by holding a referendum. Ethiopia has not yet engaged in any decolonization practice. It is past time to consider it seriously. Many Ethiopians and Ethiopia’s western allies are now calling on the ruling Prosperity Party to initiate a National Dialogue process. I argue that referendum should be a central part of that dialogue and not be left to be decided by whatever ruling arrangement emerges from this event.

    Ethiopia is a nation of nations with more than 80 ethnic groups; ten of those nations are formally recognized as “regional states.” The past impacts each people group in unique ways. Although my concern is not exclusive, my knowledge and experience put me in a position to speak to the Oromo experience. I believe that the solution of a referendum applies to all of Ethiopia’s peoples. It is the right of those people to discern the political solution most appropriate for their past, present, and future.

    Two crucial truths help us understand the position of a referendum as a political solution for the Oromo nation. The first is that when Oromia was colonized, a functioning, diverse, culturally and linguistically unique, politically, economically, and socially organized nation with a respective history and an indigenous, ancestral custodianship to land was dismantled and replaced with a highly centralized Ethiopian state.

    The second truth is that every ruler and conqueror of Ethiopia, from Menelik II to the current regime, had Oromo individuals serving at high-level public and grassroots positions. But there has never been a moment or an arena in which the Oromo people, en masse, have decided upon their political fate and whether they see themselves as part of Ethiopia. The combination of these two realities has seen each Oromo generation engage in various forms of resistance against the Ethiopian state. Ethiopia has always responded violently, without fail.

    A genuine referendum will give all the people living within the boundaries of Ethiopia the opportunity to decide whether they: a) remain a federation, b) rearrange the union into a confederacy, or c) become entirely independent and stand-alone or d) form new voluntary unions from the position of independence. These options intentionally and contextually address and provide a remedy for the condition that resulted in the organization of the Ethiopian state as a project of force. It acknowledges that ordinary people have not been afforded a say as many iterations of Ethiopia have come and gone. It attends to the immense suffering of subjugated peoples throughout each chapter. Please note that these four options are articulated only for the purpose of this piece. The number of options and their articulations must be decided via a deliberative process undertaken by, for example, a selected committee or counsel entrusted by the people to shape the referendum process.

    On the surface, a referendum may seem to favor those with secessionist ambitions. However, if conducted in the spirit of trust in the public and their capacity to decide their fate, no political ideology can manipulate the process than engage in awareness raising-campaigns in the lead-up to the vote.

    Moreover, suppose we believe that the character of politics, when in actual service of people, listens to and responds to the interest of the collective. In that case, all political camps are obliged to accept and abide by the final decision that the people make. That includes me, as an advocate for Oromia’s independent statehood; it also includes proponents of multinational federalism and those that advance unitary state politics.

    The benefits of a referendum within the process of national dialogue are many. First, whatever the next chapter is for Ethiopia, we enter it knowing that the people decided it, and thus the people and any elected leaders are accountable for that decision. The moment of the people’s decision is what matters most, though it may not appear to be the least challenging path. The second benefit, and one that cannot be understated, is that a referendum is the most likely political solution to bring all armed parties to the table.

    The Oromo Liberation Army, a force that is exponentially growing and supported across Oromia, says it is struggling to enable the Oromo people to determine their future. It is common rhetoric amongst the army that they cannot decide independence for the people, even if that’s what the group advocates. They are fighting for the opportunity to enable the Oromo people to decide and then serve the people’s decision.

    We can draw another example of this point from the protracted civil war in Tigray. After the waves of horror unleashed against the Tegaru people by ENDF, Eritrean soldiers, and Amhara militias, the TPLF says independence is “probably the most viable option” for the Tigray nation. Other organized groups, for example, in the Somali and Benishangul states, are likely to turn to armed resistance as all avenues for peaceful struggle dwindle and as PP works to erode the foundations of the multinational federal arrangement. A decisive public decision-making instrument like a referendum could see all of these parties come to the table.

    At a foundational level, convening a referendum would need to be protected from government interference, including the military and security extensions of the incumbent government. All stakeholders should have the opportunity to campaign for and raise awareness about their position of interest. In the case of Oromia, the convening of a referendum should be conducted in collaboration with groups and institutions, local or otherwise, identified and trusted by the local population in Oromia.

    The prospect of Ethiopia changing dramatically and the formation of new states are often seen as risky and disruptive. Ethiopian leaders often deploy this tactic—warning about risks of balkanization—to evade accountability and cling to power, even at the cost of protracted oppression and conflict. But time and again, the top-down state-building approach has brought neither lasting stability nor democracy to Ethiopia. The nation-state is an idea that is made appealing to groups of people by providing opportunities for growth, a fulfilling sense of identity and community, protection against harm, and more.

    In many cases, and Ethiopia is one of those cases, the nation-state embodying an empire of indigenous nations is an idea that was created via violence and served only an elite few, refusing to evolve beyond that point. If the concept in practice is not productive and instead causes suffering, new ideas should be explored and embraced. After many aborted attempts at the transition to a democratic order, Ethiopia needs this more than ever.

    In the case of the vote resulting in the country’s fragmentation, robust preparation for this transition at a local and collective level by those advocating for new statehood can protect against the political, economic, and social failure of these new nations.

    A referendum as a political solution in Ethiopia might feel like a daunting consideration and terrifying as a practical undertaking. There are reasons for this. For one, if a referendum vote reveals that the people want freedom from the construct of Ethiopia, economic relationships will need to change, geopolitics will need to shift, and diplomacy will have to be rethought. Be that as it may, I insist that keeping over 80 million people (the Oromo and other southern and marginalized peoples) in an arrangement that produces trauma, generation after generation, is far more terrifying. The act of choosing can break this cycle of trauma for the Oromo and many others who form the vast majority of Ethiopia’s 110 million population.

    Ethiopia urgently needs an all-inclusive national dialogue to avert an inevitable fragmentation. To succeed, the dialogue should be convened by a neutral body, and all parties must seriously consider a referendum as a legitimate political tool to settle historical and contemporary grievances. Ultimately, it is the people who must decide their political fate.

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